Contrary to the Enlightenment vision of an
eventual orderly and untroubled synthesis of all objectives and
aspirations, Berlin insisted that there exists an indefinite number of
competing and often irreconcilable ultimate values and ideals between
which each of us often has to make a choice – a choice which, precisely
because it cannot be given a conclusive rational justification, must
not be forced on others, however committed we may be to it ourselves.
‘Life may be seen through many windows, none of them necessarily clear
or opaque, less or more distorting than any of the others.’
Each individual, each culture, each nation, each historical
period has its own goals and standards, and these cannot be combined,
practically or theoretically, into a single coherent overarching system
in which all ends are fully realised without loss, compromise or
clashes. The same tension exists within each individual consciousness.
More equality may mean less excellence, or less liberty; justice may
obstruct mercy; honesty may exclude kindness; self-knowledge may impair
creativity or happiness, efficiency inhibit spontaneity. But these are
not temporary local difficulties: they are general, indelible and
sometimes tragic features of the moral landscape; tragedy, indeed, far
from being the result of avoidable error, is an endemic feature of the
human condition. Instead of a splendid synthesis there must be a
permanent, at times painful, piecemeal process of untidy trade-offs and
careful balancings of contradictory claims.
Intimately connected with this pluralist thesis – sometimes
mistaken for relativism, which he rejected, and which is in fact quite
distinct – is a belief in freedom from interference, especially by
those who think they know better, that they can choose for us in a more
enlightened way than we can choose for ourselves. Berlin’s pluralism
justifies his deep-seated rejection of coercion and manipulation by
authoritarians and totalitarians of all kinds: Communists, Fascists,
bureaucrats, missionaries, terrorists, revolutionaries and all other
despots, levellers, systematisers or purveyors of ‘organised
happiness’. Like one of his heroes, the Russian thinker Alexander
Herzen, many of whose characteristics he manifested himself, Berlin had
a horror of the sacrifices that have been exacted in the name of Utopian
ideals due to be realised at some unspecifiable point in the distant
future: real people should not have to suffer and die today for the
sake of a chimera of eventual universal bliss.
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