Concordance to Personal Impressions

All impressions of the first edition (1980/1981) use the same typesetting, and therefore the same pagination. The same applies to the expanded second edition (1998/2001), which was completely reset, as was the further expanded third edition (2014). This concordance facilitates the conversion of page references to each edition into page references to each of the others. The text of the third edition, which was also revised throughout, should be used in all new and revised translations. The concordance does not include the 2014 foreword or appendix, or the essays added in the third edition.

First edition	First line (first edition)	Second edition	Third edition
vii	This volume consists of writings that resemble what	ix	xxxi
viii	Franco, Salazar and various dictators in Eastern	x	xxxii
ix	This is the last of four volumes in which I have	xi	xxxv
x	as Mr Churchill in 1940 by John Murray of London	xii	xxxix
xi	Randolph Churchill, Jacob Herzog and Arthur Lehning	xiii	xxxviii
xiii	The éloge is not much favoured as a	xv	441
xiv	Isaiah Berlin ignores these current fashions	xv	442
xv	That interpretation is pluralism. How the	xvi	443
xvi	men and implacable women, planners, moving	xvii	444
xvii	be protected and fostered at whatever cost.	xviii	445
xviii	Berlin declares that sometimes they cannot.	xix	447
xix	time has invested ideas with such personality	xx–xxi	448
xx	those of the scholars who later interpret them.	xxii	449
xxi	a fierce believer in one ideology after another,	xxiii	450–1
xxii	of nations. Berlin’s style reflects his own	xxiv	452
xxiii	establishment, the self-important and the pompous	xxv	453
xxiv	firmly in their place, he became even more	xxvi	454
xxv	about Weizmann, he notes how ‘martyrs, failures,	xxvii	456
xxvi	and hence in some discomfort. Against, it was painful	xxviii	457
xxvii	Chaim Weizmann. No explanation of how it came	xxix	458
xxviii	true. But their criticisms pale beside these	xxx	460
xxix	Huxley for extending the panorama of knowledge	xxxi	461
xxx	reader to guess who they were. Like Hamlet he	xxxii	462
1	In the now remote year 1928, an eminent	1	1
2	highly – humility, integrity, humanity, scrupulous	2	3
3	contemporary thought and feeling only because it	3	4
4	or between what is conceived as permanent and what	4	5
5	Palace. His eye is never that of the neatly	5	7
6	completely fused with the first; art and nature	6	8
7	a long and stormy career, altered them at all. If	7	9
8	is the most powerful single influence upon everything	8	11
9	added, fantasy, which is less frightened by the	9	12
10	produced by such established writers as Shaw and Wells	10	13
11	and devoted subordinates would throw themselves	11	15
12	which his enemies – and his victims – never	12	16
13	blithely cutting Gordian knots in a manner which often	13	17
14	These splendid sentences hardly do justice to his own	14	18
15	from a capacity for sustained introspective brooding,	15	19–20
16	tension which, if it lasts, destroys all sense of	16	21
17	method of constructing historical narrative, the	17	22
18	indeed, from our distant vantage point, this is	18	23
19	unable to focus those pin-points of concentrated	19	25
20	which perhaps only those who live in valleys are	20	26
21	social, almost a metaphysical order – a sacred	21	27
22	Hopkins understood and encouraged to the fullest degree	22	28–9
23	I never met Roosevelt, and although I spent more	24	37
24	Peace Ballot, the Left Book Club, Malraux’s political	25	39
25	high in the United States, faith in businessmen as	26	40
26	and possessed wide political horizons, imaginative	27	41
27	Indeed he was very different from Wilson. For they	28	43
28	out of wood and what out of marble, and how and when	29	44
29	or Charles James Fox, or some of the Russian, Italian	30	45
30	compatibly with helping to promote the victory of	31	46
31	career of an American patrician with moderate political	32	48
32	Chaim Weizmann’s achievement – and the details	34	57
33	action, the great man seems able, almost alone and	35	59
34	define in terms of such concepts as nations, race,	36	60
35	‘way of life’? Apart from the fact that they	37	61
36	state of their own. These remained idle fancies which	38	63
37	declaring that the Jews did not wish – and did not	39	64
38	western Europe. Speaking their own language, largely	40	65
39	They were what they were; they might dislike their	41	66
40	it for granted. The prospect of nationhood without	42	68
41	still faithful to the ancient religion, were resolved	43	69
42	and hopeful attitude to life; in particular, respect	44	70
43	content which he poured into ideas he received from	45	71
44	doctrine, but as a movement which they accepted naturally	46	73
45	powerful, self-confident, solid champion of their	47	74
46	The failures of the Zionist movement – and they	48	75
47	appeared to him to be useful, as a means for limited	49	76
48	as secure positions in modern society, achieved after	50	78
49	that these debates are not extant. Never can two	51	79
50	all. For in his case, as in that of virtually every statesman	52	80
51	British Government and himself, and he regarded those	53	81
52	the greatest courage and integrity; but I should be less	54	83
53	eastern Europe, for much the same reasons, in the	55	84
54	Perhaps Weizmann was carried away too far by his	56	86
55	[con]sisted in painting a very vivid, detailed, coherent,	57	87
56	When war broke out in 1939, he offered to lay aside some	58	88
57	new world, and especially the new, post-Chamberlain	59	89
58	officials, who took their cue from their superiors, or	60	91
59	own close followers he seemed, if anything, altogether	61	92
60	position of splendid symbolic value, but little power.	62	93
61	of the world’s press. Even more he hated stupidity,	63	94
62	denied; that moral force, if it was competently organised	64	96

	First line (second edition)
–	Yitzhak Sadeh is today chiefly known as one of	78	252
–	developed a fantatical passion for physical	79	254
–	meeting painters and scultptors and other free spirits	80	255
–	was not legally necessary for him to become a	81	256
–	He stormed round Petrograd in 1917, and probably	82	257
–	and writer on music, took part. Nabokov remembered	83	259
–	reception camp. They were kindly treated and he	84	260
–	where equality, fraternity and, one day, liberty	85	261
–	despite his lack of interest in her and complaints	86	262
–	heart of resistance, battling against alien rule.	87	264
–	there was a complete divorce the better – perhaps	88	265
–	His part in Israeli politics had exactly the same	89	266
–	elegance, half bohemian, half aristocratic, too	90	267

	First line (first edition)
63	This account of Lewis Namier is based upon no research	91	121
64	with incomparable imagination and a power of incisive	92	123
65	He stood in the middle of my room and spoke his words	93	124
66	in a false position, and realised that the converted	94	125
67	recognition and so on. Nor was human history, and	95	127
68	Gentiles, could live full lives either by dedication	96	128
69	I felt flattered by his visit, as well as deeply impressed	97	129
70	expected to enjoy his open and highly articulate contempt.	98	130–1
71	[impor]tant; when in form he spoke marvellously. He spoke	99	132
72	write our English history? Why do you not write Jewish	100	133
73	would not soon forget, and which would probably	101	134
74	In 1941 I was employed by the Ministry of Information	102	136
75	When war was declared Namier volunteered for the British	103	137
76	any other talented writer of the past, whom the rich	104	138
77	some implacable enemies. Yet despite his acuteness,	105	139
78	and fascinating man, or one more deeply plunged in the	106	141
79	of history – a subject which he believed to be	107	142
80	only reason for distrusting party labels and	108	143
81	almost isolable, sensations; that Freud looked for	109	145
82	criteria of its inadequacy, because it had failed to	110	146
83	I first met Felix Frankfurter in, I think, the first	112	97
84	to interrupt) in a state of complete and silent fascination	113	99
85	cast a sharp look round the room and decided to make a break	114	100
86	although he supposed that Holmes had been even more	115	101
87	not know what impact he made on Oxford lawyers or the	116	102
88	intensely self-conscious and inhibited society – to	117	104
89	Street, and came back report that Wittgenstein had	118	105
90	here. But it is these last, and not the attributes	119	106
91	When I first knew Richard Pares, in the early 1930s, he	120	50
92	partly because he was attracted by order and formal	121	52
93	teachers of his generation. He was attached to his	122	53
94	He was an excellent civil servant during the war; there	123	54
95	to protect his life against the chaos of the public world	124	55
96	When Hubert Henderson first came to All Souls in	125	30
97	one himself. This made the experience of talking with	126	32
98	not in the least vain, not in the least difficult; he had	127	33
99	too violently the pressure of his friends. I doubt if	128	34
100	idiosyncrasies, no virtuoso flights, no conscious exercise	129	36
101	The philosophical trend which afterwards came to be	130	156
102	whatever could be so reduced to plain prose. Despite	130	158
103	[Never]theless the positivist attack, especially in the	132	159
104	deadliest enemies of this kind of realist metaphysics were	133	160
105	by a particular doctrine – he often produced the	134	162
106	and a method to which it was his mission to convert	135	163
107	year or two before, read an interesting book on philosophy	136	164
108	and indeed excited by the simplicity and lucidity	137	165
109	personal identity, and the related topic of our knowledge	138	167
110	language as used about the external world: the problems	139	168
111	traveller called Gregor Samsa, who wakes one morning	140	169
112	called ‘ostensive definitions’. The contradictories	141	170–1
113	classify the normal use of words. It seemed to him then,	142	172
114	Nevertheless, his implicit rejection of the doctrine of	143	173
115	seemed to me before the last war, that Austin understood	144	174
116	John Plamenatz was born in 1912 in Cetinje, the	146	177
117	some ways he resembled), all his life he displayed	147	179
118	the slightest hint of rhetoric. He did not speak unless	148	180
119	understand their basic concepts, their views of man	149	181
120	ambition to shine, or to defeat rivals, or to	150	183
121	His books give the impression of being written as if no	151	184
122	thought and said. He was not particularly happy at	152	185
123	Maurice Bowra, scholar, critic and administrator, the	154	148
124	Stefan George, appealed to him far more than British	155	150
125	pleasure he took in the many honours he received.	156	151
126	crossed that country on his way to his family’s home	157	152
127	leadership the Academy prospered. But it was Oxford	158	154
128	His attitude to religion was more complicated and obscure	159	155

	First line (second edition)
–	Lord David Cecil was born the second son of	160	273
–	unusual charm and ease of manner, intellectual gaiety	161	274
–	College, where he remained from 1924 until 1930.	162	276
–	creative process of the writer, the process of the	163	277
–	an earlier century (Two Quiet Lives, 1948) – and	164	278
–	She wrote of an England he knew and understood,	165	279
–	life. He shared his sense of Woolf’s dazzling genius	166	281
–	declared that he wrote with undeniable charm, style and	167	282
–	I remember that in 1933 Virginia Woolf was invited to	168	298
–	David Cecil has just published a lecture about him, God	169	300
–	‘I cannot go on talking like this, I am so sorry.	170	301
–	Virginia. I’ll never forget when you asked poor Hugh	171	302
–	I met Edmund Wilson, I think, sometime in the early	172	283
–	appalling effect which this had had upon him, for,	173	285
–	whether there were no academics he liked or admired	174	286
–	academics at lunch or dinner. I relieved his fears	175	287
–	during the First World War, and he found the appearance	176	288
–	him, that they had talked about the old times with great	177	290
–	think that he was, perhaps, below his angle of vision.	178	291
–	of the friendship that bound us. I knew that it was	179	292
–	Once he had formed a social and psychological	180	293
–	civilisation that would respond to new human needs	181	294–5
–	all Jews’ I sought unity and a metaphysically	182	296

	First line (first edition)
129	In the early spring of 1946, when I was still a	183	187
130	devoted to his mother and his sisters; that he had joined	184	189
131	obsolescent concept – a gentleman. He was totally	185	190
132	to hear out to the end), but also with a certain unexpected	186	191
133	efforts to be elected to Parliament were not likely to	187	192
134	Nothing he said could ever make one wince. He was	188	194
135	The Classical and History Middle and Upper Eighth	189	108
136	Aldous Huxley: in particular Point Counter Point,	190	110
137	to everyone present. The company played intellectual games	191	111
138	or supernormal better than much conventional physiology	192	112
139	to irrational idols and destructive passions – forces	193	114
140	that he stood on the frontier between the old astrology	194	115
141	[pre]ferred to call spiritual – factors, in which	195	116
142	Mr Huxley, in your book Jesting Pilate, speak in	196	117–18
143	decided that it was not as unsightly as he had supposed,	197	119
144	Albert Einstein’s chief title to immortal fame is	66	195
145	[anthro]pology. Social Darwinism, founded on a	67	197
146	been successfully rendered in popular language as	68	198
147	education in the 1890s. He studied intermittently in	69	199
148	to his natural habits of thought. Our forefathers	70	201
149	Arabs of Palestine. He wished for a state in which Jews	71	202
150	wait for the Messiah – the world revolution –	72	203
151	young man, have chosen to adopt Swiss, or, after Hitler,	73	204
152	spirit. Like Spinoza, he conceived God as reason embodied	74	206
153	enemies on the left – an illusion of many decent and	75	207
154	abstract thinker – Thales who falls into a well, the	76	208
155	and this state and stood by it through thick and thin,	77	210
156	In the summer of 1945, while I was working as a temporary	198	356
157	it was much more hopeful and even enthusiastic: the	199	357
158	confluences in literature, as well as Acmeism, ego- and	199	358
159	which side would win, this alone, for a time, gave a	201	359
160	known bounds; self-prostration, false and wildly	202	361
161	for the most part circulated privately in manuscript	203	362
162	translations into the various national languages of	204	364
163	interest, critical and uncritical, of the Soviet public	205	365
164	publication, The British Ally, to which Soviet writers	206	366
165	were young and defiant and full of ideas; it did not matter	207	367
166	reminded him of the visit to Russia of the American	208	369
167	the Revolution; like all intellectuals of any independence	209	370
168	fame abroad, than I could have wished, for fear of	210	371
169	and Dickens, but before I could continue he went on to say	211	373
170	of political issues, was no danger to democratic	212	374
171	the absence of formalities and small talk which seemed	213	375
172	west, and there were, at the time, not many Soviet	214	377
173	my prose – it was influenced by what was the weakest	215	378
174	psychological and artistic crisis” – this has	216	379
175	ordinary people cannot, and know that they cannot, do	217	380
176	went on apologising until the train arrived. No one	218	382
177	and we entered different carriages – the conversation	219	383
178	deep root among the intelligentsia. By 1956 there was	220	384
179	towards Marina Tsvetaeva, to whom he had been bound	221	385
180	writers he admired Heine, Hermann Cohen (his	222	387
181	alone, before a polished desk on which not a book or	223	388
182	was his indispensable meeting with Stalin, that it must	224	389
183	from the other side of the world to tell him what to	225	390–1
184	him a kind of half-hearted effort to write civic	226	392
185	for me by the gate and let Neuhaus go in, embraced me	227	393
186	world to ‘lay waste with fire’ (he quoted from	228	394
187	the actor asked him: ‘Iosif Vissarionovich, how	229	396
188	present, wanted to know whether Shakespeare, Ibsen and	230	397
189	years of my childhood; the lure of books added to my desire	231	398
190	some of her poems, spoke about her to me as someone not	232	400
191	became louder and the world ‘Isaiah’ could be	233	402
192	departure and to apologise for it. I asked if I might be	234	403
193	who had done a great deal to form her – he had thought	235	405
194	that many-faceted and most magical poem and its deeply	236–7	406
195	It was, I think, by now about three in the morning. She	238	407
196	that. The morality of Anna Karenina is the morality	239	408
197	express a wish to be with her; and then he would come,	240	410
198	and Verlaine and Rimbaud and Verhaeren, whom they all knew	241	411
199	outside itself. Again she spoke of pre-revolutionary St	242	412
200	This was of little consequence; it was true that	243	414
201	wife and me, that he thought my wife delightful, and told	244	416
202	spies,’ he remarked (so it is alleged), and followed	245	418
203	Theatre – Siegfried Sassoon – have any political	246	419
204	‘believe me, Pasternak and I and Mandel’shtam	247	421
205	about her poetry, but the letters were about himself,	248	422
206	war, when they were both being evacuated to cities in	249	424
207	should be slowly poisoned, then countermanded them;	250	426
208	this could not fail to act as a powerful stimulus to	251	427
209	Some of the passages relevant to the ‘Guest from the	253	428
210	From an Italian Diary (Iz italyanskogo dnevnika)	254	431

Concordance to Personal Impressions

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