Concordance to Political Ideas in the Romantic Age

compiled by Nick Hall

The current edition (2014) uses a freshly revised text, and therefore has different pagination to the first edition (2006). This concordance facilitates the conversion of page references to one edition into references to the other. The text of the second edition, which has been revised throughout, and added to, should be used in all new and revised translations. The concordance does not include the 2014 foreword or appendix.

2006     First line (2006) US 2014 
ix Political Ideas in the Romantic Age may xxv
x text in his own hand – particularly xxvi
xi little more arresting. However, if this xxvii
xii commit me to talking about people like xxviii
xiii Frankfurter: ‘The lectures are an agony xxx
xiv With somewhat bated breath I enclose my xxxii
xv typescript prepared some years before. xxxiii
xvi First Attack on Enlightenment – of xxxv
xvii and its critics, the contrast between negative xxxvi
xviii year. As noted above, all these works xxxvii
xix Once again, I emphasise that the echoes xxxviii
xx rather different treatment that this volume xl
xxi Isaiah Berlin was a fundamentally unsystematic xliii
xxii into a pattern; but they are held together by xliv
xxiii under Stalinism during and immediately after xlv
xxiv features of human experience remaining the same, xlvi
xxv the practice of attributing blame to past thinkers xlviii
xxvi much afraid, and ‘New Dealers’, whom xlix
xxvii sympathetic accounts of deeply anti-liberal l
xxviii There was, then, an increasing tendency towards li
xxix necessarily precarious balance between incompatible liii
xxx individual may commit blunders’, were liv
xxxi freedom, and would form the basis for ‘Two lv
xxxii to later versions of liberalism (his own lvi
xxxiii value in making people happy or wise or lviii
xxxiv liberty as self-realisation through the union lix
xxxv us, now; between identifying what was unique lx
xxxvi is perhaps difficult to remember how marginal, lxi
xxxvii task that was as much artistic and lxiii
xxxviii work as a whole is his portrayal of individuals, lxiv
xxxix assumptions about the period which it covers, lxv
xl this respect the interpretation contained in PIRA lxvi
xli PIRA’s intellectual architecture is constructed lxvii
xlii to its profoundly radical break with the monistic lxix
xliii verifiable – including normative statements – lxx
xliv which, once discovered, should govern our lxxi
xlv of human personality by attempts to ‘mould’ lxxii
xlvi that he diagnosed in ‘Democracy, Communism lxxiii
xlvii A final reason for Berlin’s sympathy lxxv
xlviii permissibility and even desirability of lxxvi
xlix Berlin to trust the particularity of human lxxvii
l Berlin had been aware of historicism from early lxxviii
li Hegelianism also fell into the error of confusing lxxix–lxxx
lii our own, and coming to understand that mind. lxxxi
liii setting a contrasting example with the imaginative lxxxii
liv must still continue striving to understand. ‘We lxxxiii
lv The place of publication is London unless lxxxv
lvi 1953c: review of Cassirer 1932, lxxxvi
lvii – (1992), Enlightenment, Revolution lxxxvii
lviii Gay, Peter (1966–9), The Enlightenment: An lxxxix
lix Lenin, Vladimir Ilich, What is to be done? xc
lx Roche, Daniel, France in the Enlightenment xci
1 This book is an attempt to deal with some of the 1
2 contract or general will or civil society. 2
3 those whom they oppress against themselves – 3
4 any rate by other human beings – in short, the notions4
5 Helévtius believed in planning and the 6
6 immediately before and immediately after 7
7 represented as a conscious association for 8
8 Everything that the philosophers of the 9
9 part of the subject, self-sacrificing duty on 10
10 philosophy adopted. Some meant by it objective 12
11 against previous reverence for knowledge, skill 13
12 outlook of which political theory is but an 14
13 The great political philosophers have made 15
14 ‘transformation of the model’, which alone 17
15 spoke of what he knew. Robespierre behaved 18
16 generate them or identify themselves with 19
17 The central issue of political philosophy is 21
18 past and present, actual and imaginary, and 23
19 which words are used in political argument have 24
20 facts that the depth of understanding of 25
21 obey because I am conditioned to obey as 26
22 How was the world created? What is it made of? 28
23 discoverable by systematic and coordinated labour 29
24 in the individual conscience; some in metaphysical 30
25 on the other hand, supposed that only individual 31–2
26 traditions, that the reasons for obedience could be 33
27 could be found only by the techniques of 34
28 knowledge is descriptive: and depends for its 35
29 Mysticism merely stammered incoherently about 36
30 desires is wholly in accord with the nature 37
31 men in space and time, the configuration of 39
32 Newton, had created a body of clear and 40
33 enviable physicists or mathematicians, and 41
34 the battle cry of the entire century. Either the 42–3
35 of the literal inspiration of the Bible 44
36 Something of the same tone is to be found 45
37 rubbish heap, as either irrelevant or 46
38 for civil liberty and civic harmony, which 47
39 analysis of morals and social life. His 49
40 independent of empirical observation or 50
41 for his guidance: that there is, in short, 51
42 the end of knowledge. Individuals and societies 54
43 disagreement. Holbach was less concerned with 56
44 avoidance of pain. Everywhere and always men 57
45 being, being part of it, and seeking what 58
46 Natural rights are the minimum without much 59
47 claiming to speak for nature is acute, 61
48 skills, technical, political, psychological 62
49 Other variants of this view were very widespread 63
50 environment and the influences of other men. 64
51 hurt as a stockholder or a family man and 65
52 But it is already fully developed by Helvétius 67
53 whatever their dissimilarities, are; and 68
54 seemed within the power of human beings, if only 69
55 be due to some misunderstanding of their 70
56 ultimate data which verify or confirm its theories 72
57 criteria both for determining what kind 73
58 the same kind of relation as those of physics 74
59 that of how a man should behave, whether in 75
60 In the old days the answer was ‘God has 76
61 facts’ but an order, a command; 78
62 who wanted to know not why men did 79
63 doing for its own sake – is one of the 80
64 granted. The Christians, like the Jews before them, 81
65 nature – would assert themselves against such 83
66 inevitably end in depriving him of that satisfaction 84
67 themselves expressing in their acts and thoughts. 85
68 being so; that one can deduce rules for action’ the 86
69 pleasure or happiness, and would obtain it too, 88
70 purposes to the pursuit of happiness, and the discussion 89
71 passionately of all? After all, there are cases 90
72 between good and evil, that goodness is in simplicity 91
73 of God or of a plan without reason, by faith, or 92
74 nineteenth century, and Hume, of course, saw it 94
75 overwhelmed by destructive, because undetected, 95
76 constituents, either the crudest order of reality, 96
77 common sense or shrewdness or good judgement), 97
78 more obviously conducive to the maximisation of 99
79 importance, as against those who think that 100
80 forebears were born and came to maturity and died? 101
81 mistaken beliefs due to the evil effects of religion 102
82 ‘objective’ hierarchy of ends the whole of 104
83 Floods and earthquakes, and indeed any natural events 105
84 this political or social concept in despair; 106
85 rational is then to say that it has an 107
86 mistakenly thought they always described) 109
87 semper, quod ubique, quod ab omnibus: 111
88 Freedom, both social and political, is one 112
89 ‘political’ freedom, and maintain that it 113
90 as I wish by the realisation of the conscious 114
91 nature or the cosmos possesses a pattern and a 115
92 must be due to, be an expression of, ignorance – 116
93 to be obtained – whether through the teachings 118
94 cannot be otherwise: and to understand this 119
95 that it is rational, that is in tune with the universal 120
96 political impotence, and political and economic 121
97 understanding is possible to God alone, who, 123
98 than any other in human activity. Christian Wolff, 124
99 the universal harmony of distinct but mutually 125
100 knew it, animated them all. Differences were 126
101 satisfactory pattern: and perceived obedience as 127
102 Montesquieu and Hume were cautious empirical 129
103 disappears for ever and can no longer take in even 130
104 statement has been rightly condemned as exaggerated 131
105 the progressive sentimentalisation of the outlook of 132
106 so often and so charitably been ascribed. 134
107 commonplace, concealing beneath a solid surface 135
108 is born free, does not last. Society arises – 136
109 intentions, and destroy the purpose for which 137–8
110 [self-]stultification; any attempt to curtail it, to touch 139
111 of the ‘ought’; we gain security perhaps 140
112 Rousseau’s solution is very bold, so 141
113 thinkers conceived to be practically possible. Human 142
114 disagreement with the scientists and rationalists was 144
115 determinism developed by Holbach or Condillac. 145
116 belief in the need for rules whereby to conduct 146
117 Ethics and politics for Rousseau are still 147
118 So the great coincidence is achieved: he 149
119 uncertain frontiers between the two, moved 150
120 inconsistencies, some such view as the following 151
121 discover what is good by some species of 152
122 to exist on the basis of some empirical evidence, 154
123 of service to some abstract ideal, as in 155
124 From this follows the proposition that enlightened 156
125 the doctrine collapses. There may be good and valid 157
126 possible. If coercion is an evil as such, then 158
127 distinguish, at any rate a crude, empirical 160
128 we believe it to exist, unless we believe that the 161
129 nor in the illumination of exceptional mystical 162
130 and converts to the simple life of Tolstoy, 163
131 good, simple people upon each other – can 165
132 or political unity or racial homogeneity. Because 166
133 phenomena in the real world – supernatural 167
134 himself, which transmutes all things to gold, 168
135 imaginative, violently impressionable nature 170
136 insight about the nature of man, which in principle 171
137 and equality, individual genius and society – 172
138 have not gained directly from our normal view 173
139 had been no decree passed by the assembly is 174
140 between right and wrong?), I can be certain 176
141 Rousseau of the Contrat period: and the fate 177
142 to life, preferred to think that the general will 178
143 understanding sense, and lightens the conscience 179
144 monstrous political farce bears every mark of its 181
145 claimed could be discovered only by those who 182
146 that which is true must be so universally and 183
147 distinctions. The self is conceived no longer as 184
148 sense of duty – the state in which alone knowledge 186
149 that to conceive something as one’s own duty is 187
150 satisfaction in disharmonies – turbulent emotions 188
151 irrespective of what might be thought about it 189
152 Human equality is a commonplace in the 191
153 which Kant calls the Good Will – is the 192
154 and right and true; and to use him, exploit him, 193
155 Like most words which have played an important 195
156 favour that they are described as friends of 196
157 which occur to a more imaginative person does not 197
158 despotically, because they could avoid doing so, 198
159 But this dilemma, like many other arguments 200
160 the sense that a strong man interferes with a weak 201
161 development of men’s imagination, intellect 202
162 or not (or consciously wanted it or not; for 203
163 piece of Christian sentimentality which Bentham 205
164 anarchists – Godwin and Fourier and Stirner 206
165 made clear by what logic or cognitive process 207
166 pleasure or knowledge or the beatitude sought 208
167 the notion of adjustment, or happiness, or 210
168 defend. The inner citadel of the spirit, according to 211
169 prevented from realisation. The fewer wishes I have 212
170 practical problem and arises at all levels. This, 213
171 future. But in the seventeenth and eighteenth 214
172 scientific explanations cannot be applied to it. 216
173 inner ideal. So long as social life is conceived 217
174 Schiller’s doctrine of art as play entails 218
175 It takes the form of laws, maxims, commands, 219
176 lives of saints – or of Christ himself – 221
177 inventive, activity. And the laws he follows are 222
178 those objects of experience which form the 223
179 plants and inanimate things – stand as tongues 224
180 of the object, the more the contemplating self 226
181 imagination and reason, which in fact embody 227
182 not flexible to my will; everything, in short, 228
183 obeys are identical with those which are 229
184 principle of subjective action with the laws 231
185 purpose, my free and personal purpose. In 232
186 speaking of freedom or slavery; but if I am 233
187 ignorance – which kept men from the clearest 234
188 contemplate the majesty and beauty of the 235
189 discovered by some metaphysical intuition, now 237
190 from those alleged inner sources of my being, 238
191 purpose of the score, which another may have 239
192 the inner rule the conscious realisation of which 240
193 designated unit, but the notion of freedom 242
194 Certainly it was right to fight against odds, 243
195 independent. He is permitted, almost expected, to 244
196 century, these religious values became translated 245
197 adventurer coming from nowhere, with no clear 247
198 of something modelled on a pattern imposed 248
199 this inner stream which creates all that is 249
200 way as to be able to perceive it as an instance 250
201 aesthetic ‘because’, the use of 252
202 above, and mocks at, the petty vision and 253
203 which they accept because they dare not question 254
204 altar of State or race or religion or 255
205 their beliefs are founded, so sacred as to 257
206 not in a condition to want them, or understand 258
207 freedom, the latter of many kinds – 259
208 The notion of scientific method as alone 261
209 laws, in other words formulae for the description 262
210 occur, they shall possess as many characteristics 263
211 of an event or situation or person, which 264
212 deals with human beings, and deals with them 265
213 purposive; and this is one of the great fallacies 267
214 Indeed, what we mean by ‘understanding’ 268
215 use them) – it follows from this that if 269
216 The proposition that history in this sense 270
217 processes of nature were obscure to us since 271
218 social customs. Instead of looking upon the fables 273
219 history as incapable of precise deductive 274
220 of a given generation are the products of the 275
221 second best, a long way round where direct 276
222 and Great Prototype, but his theology need not 278
223 The greatest name in the history of this 279
224 millennia of human existence, yet the differences 280
225 produce such and such works of art or thought or 281
226 one part of a work of art has with another, which 283
227 sacred task to perform and can afford to respect 284
228 changing their environment or education is 285
229 against the fanciful inventions or petty 286
230 presupposed a uniformity among men, treated 287
231 heed to those actual values by which men lived 289
232 merely to the anti-political attitudes of those 290
233 the active source of the entire material and 291
234 one another – from the actual ways in which 292
235 order to express the idea of unity at all. 294
236 great deal of damage both to the thoughts of men 295
237 If Herder gave a more satisfactory explanation 296
238 an organism. The process is not one of smooth 297
239 it can be said that the ground is always larger 299
240 This can be done only by relating whatever happens 300
241 The universe is therefore a self-developing (for 301
242 conflict. At those moments leaps occurred from one 302
243 that the ‘idea’ in its inevitable march 303
244 Since these laws govern those processes whereby the 305
245 Liberty, which for Hegel, as for Fichte, consists 306
246 celebrated proposition that the real is the rational 307
247 abstractions unless taken in their totality 308
248 If history is understanding the nature of things 310
249 of what matters, what is important, where the true 311
250 human beings or governments or situations as 312
251 the form of the State – that hierarchy in 313
252 arbitrarily, are now that which every being’s 315
253 dialectic individuals are bound to break through 316
254 Hegel’s almost religious worship of history, 317
255 reconstructing the past, of interpreting the facts 318
256 expected to understand it. The Hegelian State 319
257 It was of no use for Hegel??s defenders both 321
258 conformist strain among human beings, to the 322
259 Montesquieu had merely continued the tradition 323
260 The emphasis on nature as a source of 325
261 more than the sentiments of individuals or 326
262 is true. But normative statements, according to 327
263 political, social or personal life – somehow 328
264 wrong is merely subjective. Why ‘merely’? What 329
265 about their logical status. They remain as important 331
266 Monday night, February 11, Dr Isaiah Berlin 333
267 Newtonian physics had a great effect on the 334
268 beginnings of the idea that nature is 335
269 should be shown the values in justice so that 336
270 Continuing his discussion of political ideas 338
271 first European thinker to state that answers 339
272 [non-]terrestrial spirits bound together by the 340
273 these group-souls, train themselves to look 342
274 technocratic dictatorship of scientists, artists, 343
275 as follows: the business class of engineers, poets 344
276 a fanatic Catholic, a demented, eloquent 346
277 criticism, uncertainty and freedom of expression 347
278 For an absolute, immobile, stable society, 348
279 The typescript that follows is a reconstruction 349
280 a very different one to commit words to cold print 350
281 undesirable. So on these grounds – mainly, that is, 351
282 The BBC files suggest that the reuse of the Flexner 359
283 By the time the BBC lectures came to be delivered 354