Concordance to Against the Current

compiled by Nick Hall

All impressions published before 2013 use the typesetting, and therefore the pagination, of the first edition (1979). The second edition (2013) has been completely reset. This concordance facilitates the conversion of page references to one edition into references to the other. The text of the second edition, which has been revised throughout, and added to, should be used in all new and revised translations. The concordance does not include the 2013 foreword or appendix.

1979     First line (1979) US 2013 
xiii Isaiah Berlin’s essays in the history xxxi
xiv four winds. Nor are they mere occasional xxxii
xv [per]haps, Hamann, Herder and Sorel xxxiii
xvi systems and models which deny too much xxxiv
xvii view men, both as individuals and xxxvi
xviii deeply held assumptions of men, at xxxvii
xix their atomic propositions and protocol xxxviii
xx and who, try as he will, cannot accept xxxix
xxi against two fatal dangers: that of xli
xxii What exactly is the role of philosophy xlii
xxiii the fundamental categories through which xliii
xxiv and often tortuous paths we have xliv
xxv inquiry into man’s true capacities xlvi
xxvi that human nature is the same in all xlvii
xxvii [enthu]siasm for all sweeping and xlix
xxviii for Berlin a sharp divergence from the l
xxix of this, however vaguely, was one of li
xxx some of the implications of Vico’s lii
xxxi – mathematics, music, poetry, law liv
xxxii in the past; it is likely to be the lv
xxxiii in all branches of human knowledge, lvi
xxxiv French cultural domination of the lviii
xxxv doctrines of Austin and the later Wittgenstein. lix
xxxvi Looking about him in the modern world lx
xxxvii spontaneous life, at home in the world lxii
xxxviii insights and – born of overwrought lxiii
xxxix ‘alienated’ man wholly out of his element lxiv
xl blindness, to Moses Hess, he leaves the lxvi
xli peoples on the other, whom the former, by lxvii
xlii Wherever the achievement of these goods lxviii
xliii world-wide movement in our own day lxx
xliv was not a systematic thinker, purveying lxxi
xlv For at the centre of Sorel’s vision is lxii
xlvi [hetero]nomous objects to be administered lxxiii
xlvii or decadent about them. On the contrary lxxv
xlviii excesses. Above all, he feared for the fate lxxvi
xlix developed with great ingenuity and conviction lxxvii
l devoid if rational significance. For in lxxviii
li [develop]ment, growth, barbarism, lxxx
lii attempt to reduce these to the less lxxxi
liii truth? But no full account of the truth lxxxii
1 Opposition to the central ideas of the French 1
2 had been made; with the corollary that once 2
3 dissolve the hopes of those who, under the influence 3
4 about what these laws were, or how to discover 4
5 ideas, feelings, acts, could have generated the 6
6 stern, oligarchical, ‘heroic’ society, and later 7
7 East Prussia, the most backward part of his 8
8 Goethe profoundly admired. The sciences may be 9
9 song than recitation, proverbs than 11
10 of day-to-day life, but nothing great was 12
11 we must understand the ‘organic’ structure of the 14
12 on hollow cosmopolitanism and universalism 15
13 be truly creative only among Germans; Jews 16
14 of the eighteenth century on non-rational 18
15 noblest expressions of the German spirit 19
16 sensationalist positivism of Helvétius 20
17 generation. ‘Law has distorted to a snail 22
18 generated by the process of creation itself 23
19 motive – this family of political and moral 25
20 universality, objectivity, rationality 26
21 and allies, who formed the spearhead of the 27
22 to explain or justify itself in rational terms 29
23 and justice and freedom as, in this vale of 30
24 and obey: mere military dictatorship 31
25 There is something surprising about the 33
26 prolific theorists, whose works are scarcely 33
27 sharply than anyone before him. Even if the 35
28 hard-boiled (and influential); but not so 36
29 unavoidable – a moralist who ‘occasionally 37
30 Schmid tells us) anticipated Galileo 38
31 The thesis that Machiavelli was above all 39
32 from an equal lack of scientific and historical 40
33 But for König he is not a tough-minded 41
34 For the restorers of the short-lived Florentine 42
35 and approaches that of aesthetics. Singleton 43
36 authors of all the many anti-Machiavels 44
37 ignores the concepts and categories 46
38 individual conscience, or in any other 47
39 from his day to our own. ‘Machiavelli’s doctrine’ 48
40 source of information is a mixture 49
41 morally neutral, wertfrei. For he makes 51
42 the empirical medicine of the pre-scientific 52
43 realised in Italy in the past, or in other 53
44 dedication to the security, power, glory, expansion 54
45 me that is a false antithesis. For Machiavelli 55
46 beings to rise to a sufficiently high level 57
47 salvation, with a satisfactory, stable, vigorous 58
48 papacy has destroyed ‘all piety and all religion 60
49 [inu]mano etc. are used by him as 61
50 or even most men are good. Christian principles 62
51 This may involve the benefactors of men – 64
52 can afford virtue – chastity, affability 65
53 values sought after for their own sakes 66
54 successfully. But if or when these laws 67
55 The second thesis in this connection which 68
56 morality was social and not individual 70
57 different from mere advocacy of toughmindedness 71
58 untouched, and make sure that no rank 72
59 good results, good in terms not of a Christian 74
60 But they lead to ruin outside this. The analogy 75
61 Elizabethan stage – are descriptions of methods 76
62 enough to labour to create a state admirable 77
63 Leaving aside the historical problem of why 79
64 and clear. In choosing the life of a statesman 80
65 desperate, so that he confused ordinary 81
66 shied away from the logical consequences of his 82
67 true. This was a truly erschreckend proposition 84
68 empirically conceived versions of this image 85
69 sets of virtues – let us call them the Christian 86
70 between two incommensurable systems, to choose 87
71 [techno]logist free from moral implications 89
72 But the question that his writings have 90
73 this be due only to his psychological or 91
74 professed by the players. That knowledge is 92
75 result of abnormality or accident or 94
76 disagree with him the more because it goes 95
77 human goodness – were unrealisable and that 96
78 in principle, it must be discoverable); or 97
79 justify it rationally. Machiavelli’s ‘scandalous’ 99
80 My subject is the relation of the natural 101
81 in it somewhere. This position, which has 102
82 Europe. From Descartes and Bacon and the 103
83 which has been challenged ever since and remains 104
84 not only in the possibility of constructing 106
85 dwells on the carelessness and contradictions 107
86 of seekers after truth stands on the shoulders 108
87 [fol]lowed in the seventeenth century by 110
88 This is the ideal from Francis Bacon 111
89 surrounding darkness – the barbarous ages 112
90 China, governed by enlightened Mandarins 114
91 actually happened in the past? has not Pierre 115
92 Gothic invasions of the Roman Empire; these 116
93 Yet even before the Counter-Enlightenment of 118
94 expression; the search after a plain, neutral 119
95 marvellous an achievement precisely because 120
96 they strove to do, how they lived and thought 121
97 and gone? If so, how is this achieved? Vico’s 123
98 smiled and frowned, winds raged, the whole of 124
99 thought is his parallel between the growth 125
100 voice not of an individual poet but of the entire 127
101 the entire cycle repeats itself once more 128
102 seemed bizarre combinations of attributes 129
103 of slow growth from savage beginnings. There 130
104 no sense for Vico: every artistic tradition is 131
105 of the cumulative growth of knowledge, a single 132
106 seeking to understand is men – human 133
107 artist, a revolutionary, a traitor, to know what it is 135
108 of the world, which can be grasped, but not 136
109 natural science and the humanities as the result 137
110 rule, and do not need to be, consciously present 138
111 Vico’s fundamental distinction, as everyone with 140
112 did not make it; and, since this is not factum 141
113 pedagogic despotism which suppresses various other 142
114 No doubt Vico had been deeply impressed by Lucretius 143
115 or Leibniz or Kant or Hegel. Vico’s exposition 144
116 bestial lusts, terrors, vices, into means for social 146
117 identifying his experience. But the sense in which 147
118 otherwise if one is to achieve any understanding 148
119 concrete and the unique in the writing of history 150
120 My topic – the relationship of Vico’s views 151
121 earthly paradise on the isle of the Phaeacians, or 152
122 primitive societies in America or elsewhere. All 153
123 empiricism of Vico’s age, that seems to me to 154
124 each in its due season. If this is so, then some 156
125 clear that all later poets have been unable to 157
126 to attain such success in them – for his comparisons 158
127 [com]parisons, or ‘cruel and fearful descriptions 159
128 with a handful of fanatical bishops for control over a 161
129 greater in inspiration than Beethoven’s Ninth 162
130 Jeremy Bentham, in one of the lyrical moments which 164
131 true, despotic systems in the Russian Empire 165
132 unsystematic, inconsistent, and in places regrettably 166
133 [to]wards the fortieth year of his life 167
134 could be deduced by unassailably valid means. 169
135 spirit is produced. Societies are not fortuitous 170
136 and men’s wishes, within the limits of the 171
137 By temperament Montesquieu is an empiricist who 172
138 fact, doing nothing of the kind, because he realises 174
139 merely asserts, without much argument, that 175
140 language at times dark and confused, were already 176
141 by the new science, and had been so brilliantly parodied 177
142 designed to satisfy them. How is one to evaluate 179
143 another, and that what is needed in one climate 180
144 Montesquieu conceived that his own original 181
145 [prin]ciple in your head. It is the sponge 183
146 cold water on hopes of swift reform; he appeared 184
147 lukewarm. Still, even this would have passed, if 185
148 less indignant. For if this view was true it followed 186
149 and this represents Montesqeuieu’s view as against 187
150 to the form of life of his people in one way, he 189
151 them in some symmetrical pattern whether 190
152 their natural faculties, great conquerors 191
153 has puzzled and irritated modern commentators. ‘La 192
154 a particular portion of the earth’s surface 194
155 equally celebrated view which maintains that 195
156 survivals and relics of feudal institutions, of the 196
157 had used this word, and at other times (empirical) 198
158 tenderness for institutions different from those 199
159 Montesquieu was not a relativist about truth. In 200
160 least compatible with one another; and that it was 201
161 be computed by simple and tidy systems: timeless 203
162 The subject which I intend to deal is central neither 204
163 to universal and immutable laws. These laws were 205
164 for the vices, follies and miseries of mankind. 206
165 the western world. It was certainly not unconnected 207
166 1730 in Königsberg, he received, like his older 208
167 insight of the poet, the lover, the man of simple 210
168 themselves and reality. The task of the philosopher 211
169 Reality is an unanalysable, dynamic, changing 212
170 Hamann attempted no less than a total reversal 213
171 from this ecstatic view of life, who was repelled 215
172 Hamann, played a part in his return to fervent 216
173 of the Critique of Pure Reason, in a famous 217
174 is to generate various degrees of probability. It is 218
175 direct Glaube, with an inner life concerned 220
176 this is intended as a compliment – a ‘Prussian Hume’. 221
177 the epistemology of Reid and the and the Scottish school. 222
178 those who have claimed to have observed miracles 223
179 but – such is God’s grace – he thereby added to the 225
180 the use of reason, we always suppose an external universe 226
181 barriers to the comprehension of the of the miraculous 227
182 [philo]sophical dialogue which forms its main 228
183 ein Gefühl – a sense of reality; and it guarantees the 230
184 members. Let me quote Richard Wollheim’s succinct 231
185 of logical, mathematical or metaphysical constructions 232
186 nearest approximation to unattainable 233
187 one supreme service: to clear the ground for 235
188 Alexander Herzen, like Diderot, was an 236
189 had little sympathy with Herzen’s opinions, and 237
190 It is strange that this remarkable writer, in his 238
191 and eagerly. His father loved him after his fashion 239
192 more easily than Russian) and German (which he 241
193 and helped to expose the corrupt and brutal governor 242
194 serfdom and lack of individual freedom at all 243
195 and that of his mother were declared confiscated. 244
196 idealism – a vision of a socially, intellectually and 246
197 prospect, to those who, like him, have tasted the 247
198 noted every communication that occurred between 248
199 needs of Herzen’s nature. Consequently, even during 250
200 entire world, leaving no room for hope. Insensibly 251
201 He omitted also the story of his affairs with Medvedeva 252
202 leader of the mounting opposition to the Tsar. 253
203 France, his attitude towards her was more 254
204 Although he was half German himself, or perhaps 256
205 Parliament, including minor ministers. In 257
206 non-industrial, semi-anarchist socialism. Only 258
207 the new order, but new men brought up in liberty. 259
208 and condemned its opponents in Russia – 260
209 and cruel, in order to break the power of 262
210 the argument that the generation of the 40s 263
211 [sup]pression robbed him of sympathy even among 264
212 believed. He had obtained this knowledge 265
213 Moses Hess was both a communist and a Zionist. 267
214 [be]longed to that generation of German Jews 268
215 [reluc]tantly allowed by his father to go 269
216 enterprises to five-year plans and the 270
217 though, in the author’s view, with too 272
218 Spengler, and to some degree, Marx and the 273
219 Life of Jesus, or Feuerbach and the brothers 274
220 Marx, who utterly despised him, could discover 275
221 self-assertive egoism (of individuals or classes 277
222 was objectively good. Hegelian historicism had 278
223 and oppression as being mysteriously transformed 279
224 three civilised powers in Europe: Germany 281
225 going through the torments of an ambivalent 282
226 was to disperse and assimilate – they had 283
227 There was no room in the universal society 285
228 He is the greatest, perhaps the only true 286
229 to destroy, a given view, institution, regime 287
230 The revolution of 1848 broke out while he was 289
231 into separate races or nations. He did not bother 290
232 of his cosmopolitan socialist friends 291
233 anomaly. It may well be that the progress of 293
234 group, but a separate nation, a special race, and 294
235 patriots who fight for Italian freedom, so 295
236 said that he regretted that he was not called 297
237 nothing and the conservatism of the orthodox 298
238 soil – which is patently impossible – 299
239 [recog]nises no castes or classes, and assumes 300
240 even the arts of commerce. ‘It is better 302
241 triple alliance that would at once save an ancient 303
242 impact is still exceedingly fresh and direct; it 304
243 of his later works, is a pure-hearted devotion 306
244 industry, agriculture and trade must follow 307
245 He poured vinegar in their wounds with the bitter 308
246 only by pious Jews or Christian visionaries, but 309
247 She declared it to be his life’s work, but 311
248 merely humanity at large, that is to say 312
249 and most eloquent proponents. This alone seems 313
250 attitude may be adopted towards it, could not have 314
251 wrote or said, rests on the assumption 316
252 All Jews who are at all conscious 317
253 Lewis Namier once told me that upon being 318
254 dramatic and of least interest to those like 319
255 [fami]liar differences, which divide classes 320
256 society, something of which he was not 322
257 loyalty, of their genius, of their eligibility 323
258 Jews, Moses Mendelssohn, had wished them 324
259 chauvinism, was born and bred, or Lorraine, in 325
260 occasion – an occasion which was to lead to 327
261 and soldiers and men of action. And yet there 328
262 probably something of an eighteenth-century deist 329
263 Profoundly as Marx and Disraeli differed 330
264 the political novel, a brilliant talker and diner-out 332
265 Utilitarianism, sober observation, experiment 333
266 unprecedented trials and guarded them through 334
267 he had convinced himself: his ideas, his political 335
268 from time to time been represented as being by 337
269 me, and beheld a race different from myself. There 338
270 the Arabs as merely ‘Jews upon horseback’. Sidonia 339
271 whom he could worthily identify himself. This 340
272 for the hollow qualities of public life. Like 342
273 How limited is human reason [he makes 343
274 or opinions: by way of preface to a lengthy 344
275 negro and coloured populations’ they would 345
276 I shall not dwell at length on Disraeli’s 347
277 This is all. He comments casually and not 348
278 referred to as Itzig, or Baron Itzig. (There 349
279 Extreme German chauvinism had taken pathologically 351
280 exposed the Jews to new modes of thought and, as 352
281 from his own oppressive garments and entered and 353
282 compromise between the classes can be reached 355
283 in theory, allow the possibility of persuasion and 356
284 make a fetish of them. It is another fiercely 357
285 abnormal position of the children and grandchildren 359
286 correction, modification, still less to radical 360
287 My topic is Verdi’s ‘naïveté’. I hope 361
288 own feelings. They are at peace with 362
289 [neo]classical poets of the Renaissance 363
290 to use it for no ulterior purpose 364
291 political views to understand his 366
292 an age given over to the Sentimentalisches 367
293 the first order), believed in musical realism 368
294 inevitable, perhaps, and equally exaggerated and 369
295 found in the writings of, say, Boito or 371
296 Sorel remains an anomalous figure. The 373
297 In his letters he refers to her as his wife 374
298 remained episodic, unorganised, unfinished 375
299 analysis. All other views of what men are, or 376
300 end of human life: the attempt to make something 378
301 The western tradition of social thought has 379
302 of generalisation. This, of course, was a stupendous 380
303 the chaos of reality; scientific (and political 381
304 human beings not obsessed by fear and greed 383
305 perhaps all nature, is the changing and 384
306 sense of grandeur. They admired courage, strength 385
307 But after decay there is always hope of a 387
308 Le Play had insisted – by martyrdom in a common 388
309 Greek civilisation for Sorel is symbolised 389
310 weakness: he is too historicist, too determinist, too 390
311 and applications may alter, as being independent 392
312 ‘Whoever composes a programme for the future 393
313 [in]volving both managers and workers 394
314 ‘The goal is nothing: the movement is everything.’ 395
315 he declares, ‘who would like to see the 397
316 home, no hearth of their own, ‘no ancestral 398
317 century earlier, that reason was a feeble 399
318 lost; and this in its turn leads to lawlessness 401
319 Sorel, a myth of this kind – in its light 402
320 in the French syndicats who have found 403
321 careerists and social planners, right-wing and 405
322 regeneration. It may be possible to secure 406
323 imposes chains, violence breaks them. Force, open 407
324 nature with which political theorists from Hobbes to 408
325 and unscrupulous demagoguery. But after the 410
326 Maurras, even Hervé, all rallied to the defence 411
327 anti-intellectualism, the appeal to the power 412
328 extent, won. The technocratic, post-industrial society 413
329 (who was in his youth affected by Sorel’s views), would 415
330 create, of realising these ends by the 416
331 any rate, the dangers of which he spoke were, and 417
332 frictionless contentment in a harmonious social 419
333 The history of ideas is a rich, but by its very 420
334 The nineteenth century, as we all know, witnessed 421
335 of applying mathematical, and in particular statistical 422
336 deny that Karl Marx, whatever his errors, displayed 423
337 barbarians, who dominated the imagination of 425
338 political development of which the growth 426
339 consciousness held down and forcibly repressed 427
340 like local and ethnic characteristics, be unimportant 429
341 in-arm with it, or at any rate not in opposition 430
342 development, which those most sensitive to 431
343 good or right, and I shall achieve fulfilment 432
344 life of a particular society – a universal standard 434
345 beings in whom the true ends of men as such 435
346 It may be true that nationalism, as distinct from 436
347 beginnings of a national culture, the soil for the 438
348 incarnated in the creations of the collective genius of 439
349 [humilia]tions inflicted upon their grandfathers by 440
350 not lacked in social and economic upheavals. Where 441
351 Among the assumptions of rational thinkers of the 443
352 rested. The socialists believed that class solidarity, the 444
353 [exacerba]tion), displayed insufficient grasp of social 445
354 political thinkers of those times speak of the 447
355 element, even after the Allied Intervention – indeed 448