Concordance to Against the Current
All impressions of the first edition (1979/1980) use the same typesetting, and therefore the same pagination. The second edition (2013) was completely reset. This concordance facilitates the conversion of page references to the first edition into page references to the second. The text of the second edition, which has been revised throughout, and added to, should be used in all new and revised translations. The concordance does not include the 2013 foreword or appendix.
First edition | First line (first edition) | Second edition |
|
xiii | Isaiah Berlin’s essays in the history | xxxi | |
xiv | four winds. Nor are they mere occasional | xxxii | |
xv | [per]haps, Hamann, Herder and Sorel | xxxiii | |
xvi | systems and models which deny too much | xxxiv | |
xvii | view men, both as individuals and | xxxvi | |
xviii | deeply held assumptions of men, at | xxxvii | |
xix | their atomic propositions and protocol | xxxviii | |
xx | and who, try as he will, cannot accept | xxxix | |
xxi | against two fatal dangers: that of | xli | |
xxii | What exactly is the role of philosophy | xlii | |
xxiii | the fundamental categories through which | xliii | |
xxiv | and often tortuous paths we have | xliv | |
xxv | inquiry into man’s true capacities | xlvi | |
xxvi | that human nature is the same in all | xlvii | |
xxvii | [enthu]siasm for all sweeping and | xlix | |
xxviii | for Berlin a sharp divergence from the | l | |
xxix | of this, however vaguely, was one of | li | |
xxx | some of the implications of Vico’s | lii | |
xxxi | – mathematics, music, poetry, law | liv | |
xxxii | in the past; it is likely to be the | lv | |
xxxiii | in all branches of human knowledge, | lvi | |
xxxiv | French cultural domination of the | lviii | |
xxxv | doctrines of Austin and the later Wittgenstein. | lix | |
xxxvi | Looking about him in the modern world | lx | |
xxxvii | spontaneous life, at home in the world | lxii | |
xxxviii | insights and – born of overwrought | lxiii | |
xxxix | ‘alienated’ man wholly out of his element | lxiv | |
xl | blindness, to Moses Hess, he leaves the | lxvi | |
xli | peoples on the other, whom the former, by | lxvii | |
xlii | Wherever the achievement of these goods | lxviii | |
xliii | world-wide movement in our own day | lxx | |
xliv | was not a systematic thinker, purveying | lxxi | |
xlv | For at the centre of Sorel’s vision is | lxii | |
xlvi | [hetero]nomous objects to be administered | lxxiii | |
xlvii | or decadent about them. On the contrary | lxxv | |
xlviii | excesses. Above all, he feared for the fate | lxxvi | |
xlix | developed with great ingenuity and conviction | lxxvii | |
l | devoid if rational significance. For in | lxxviii | |
li | [develop]ment, growth, barbarism, | lxxx | |
lii | attempt to reduce these to the less | lxxxi | |
liii | truth? But no full account of the truth | lxxxii | |
1 | Opposition to the central ideas of the French | 1 | |
2 | had been made; with the corollary that once | 2 | |
3 | dissolve the hopes of those who, under the influence | 3 | |
4 | about what these laws were, or how to discover | 4 | |
5 | ideas, feelings, acts, could have generated the | 6 | |
6 | stern, oligarchical, ‘heroic’ society, and later | 7 | |
7 | East Prussia, the most backward part of his | 8 | |
8 | Goethe profoundly admired. The sciences may be | 9 | |
9 | song than recitation, proverbs than | 11 | |
10 | of day-to-day life, but nothing great was | 12 | |
11 | we must understand the ‘organic’ structure of the | 14 | |
12 | on hollow cosmopolitanism and universalism | 15 | |
13 | be truly creative only among Germans; Jews | 16 | |
14 | of the eighteenth century on non-rational | 18 | |
15 | noblest expressions of the German spirit | 19 | |
16 | sensationalist positivism of Helvétius | 20 | |
17 | generation. ‘Law has distorted to a snail | 22 | |
18 | generated by the process of creation itself | 23 | |
19 | motive – this family of political and moral | 25 | |
20 | universality, objectivity, rationality | 26 | |
21 | and allies, who formed the spearhead of the | 27 | |
22 | to explain or justify itself in rational terms | 29 | |
23 | and justice and freedom as, in this vale of | 30 | |
24 | and obey: mere military dictatorship | 31 | |
25 | There is something surprising about the | 33 | |
26 | prolific theorists, whose works are scarcely | 33 | |
27 | sharply than anyone before him. Even if the | 35 | |
28 | hard-boiled (and influential); but not so | 36 | |
29 | unavoidable – a moralist who ‘occasionally | 37 | |
30 | Schmid tells us) anticipated Galileo | 38 | |
31 | The thesis that Machiavelli was above all | 39 | |
32 | from an equal lack of scientific and historical | 40 | |
33 | But for König he is not a tough-minded | 41 | |
34 | For the restorers of the short-lived Florentine | 42 | |
35 | and approaches that of aesthetics. Singleton | 43 | |
36 | authors of all the many anti-Machiavels | 44 | |
37 | ignores the concepts and categories | 46 | |
38 | individual conscience, or in any other | 47 | |
39 | from his day to our own. ‘Machiavelli’s doctrine’ | 48 | |
40 | source of information is a mixture | 49 | |
41 | morally neutral, wertfrei. For he makes | 51 | |
42 | the empirical medicine of the pre-scientific | 52 | |
43 | realised in Italy in the past, or in other | 53 | |
44 | dedication to the security, power, glory, expansion | 54 | |
45 | me that is a false antithesis. For Machiavelli | 55 | |
46 | beings to rise to a sufficiently high level | 57 | |
47 | salvation, with a satisfactory, stable, vigorous | 58 | |
48 | papacy has destroyed ‘all piety and all religion | 60 | |
49 | [inu]mano etc. are used by him as | 61 | |
50 | or even most men are good. Christian principles | 62 | |
51 | This may involve the benefactors of men – | 64 | |
52 | can afford virtue – chastity, affability | 65 | |
53 | values sought after for their own sakes | 66 | |
54 | successfully. But if or when these laws | 67 | |
55 | The second thesis in this connection which | 68 | |
56 | morality was social and not individual | 70 | |
57 | different from mere advocacy of toughmindedness | 71 | |
58 | untouched, and make sure that no rank | 72 | |
59 | good results, good in terms not of a Christian | 74 | |
60 | But they lead to ruin outside this. The analogy | 75 | |
61 | Elizabethan stage – are descriptions of methods | 76 | |
62 | enough to labour to create a state admirable | 77 | |
63 | Leaving aside the historical problem of why | 79 | |
64 | and clear. In choosing the life of a statesman | 80 | |
65 | desperate, so that he confused ordinary | 81 | |
66 | shied away from the logical consequences of his | 82 | |
67 | true. This was a truly erschreckend proposition | 84 | |
68 | empirically conceived versions of this image | 85 | |
69 | sets of virtues – let us call them the Christian | 86 | |
70 | between two incommensurable systems, to choose | 87 | |
71 | [techno]logist free from moral implications | 89 | |
72 | But the question that his writings have | 90 | |
73 | this be due only to his psychological or | 91 | |
74 | professed by the players. That knowledge is | 92 | |
75 | result of abnormality or accident or | 94 | |
76 | disagree with him the more because it goes | 95 | |
77 | human goodness – were unrealisable and that | 96 | |
78 | in principle, it must be discoverable); or | 97 | |
79 | justify it rationally. Machiavelli’s ‘scandalous’ | 99 | |
80 | My subject is the relation of the natural | 101 | |
81 | in it somewhere. This position, which has | 102 | |
82 | Europe. From Descartes and Bacon and the | 103 | |
83 | which has been challenged ever since and remains | 104 | |
84 | not only in the possibility of constructing | 106 | |
85 | dwells on the carelessness and contradictions | 107 | |
86 | of seekers after truth stands on the shoulders | 108 | |
87 | [fol]lowed in the seventeenth century by | 110 | |
88 | This is the ideal from Francis Bacon | 111 | |
89 | surrounding darkness – the barbarous ages | 112 | |
90 | China, governed by enlightened Mandarins | 114 | |
91 | actually happened in the past? has not Pierre | 115 | |
92 | Gothic invasions of the Roman Empire; these | 116 | |
93 | Yet even before the Counter-Enlightenment of | 118 | |
94 | expression; the search after a plain, neutral | 119 | |
95 | marvellous an achievement precisely because | 120 | |
96 | they strove to do, how they lived and thought | 121 | |
97 | and gone? If so, how is this achieved? Vico’s | 123 | |
98 | smiled and frowned, winds raged, the whole of | 124 | |
99 | thought is his parallel between the growth | 125 | |
100 | voice not of an individual poet but of the entire | 127 | |
101 | the entire cycle repeats itself once more | 128 | |
102 | seemed bizarre combinations of attributes | 129 | |
103 | of slow growth from savage beginnings. There | 130 | |
104 | no sense for Vico: every artistic tradition is | 131 | |
105 | of the cumulative growth of knowledge, a single | 132 | |
106 | seeking to understand is men – human | 133 | |
107 | artist, a revolutionary, a traitor, to know what it is | 135 | |
108 | of the world, which can be grasped, but not | 136 | |
109 | natural science and the humanities as the result | 137 | |
110 | rule, and do not need to be, consciously present | 138 | |
111 | Vico’s fundamental distinction, as everyone with | 140 | |
112 | did not make it; and, since this is not factum | 141 | |
113 | pedagogic despotism which suppresses various other | 142 | |
114 | No doubt Vico had been deeply impressed by Lucretius | 143 | |
115 | or Leibniz or Kant or Hegel. Vico’s exposition | 144 | |
116 | bestial lusts, terrors, vices, into means for social | 146 | |
117 | identifying his experience. But the sense in which | 147 | |
118 | otherwise if one is to achieve any understanding | 148 | |
119 | concrete and the unique in the writing of history | 150 | |
120 | My topic – the relationship of Vico’s views | 151 | |
121 | earthly paradise on the isle of the Phaeacians, or | 152 | |
122 | primitive societies in America or elsewhere. All | 153 | |
123 | empiricism of Vico’s age, that seems to me to | 154 | |
124 | each in its due season. If this is so, then some | 156 | |
125 | clear that all later poets have been unable to | 157 | |
126 | to attain such success in them – for his comparisons | 158 | |
127 | [com]parisons, or ‘cruel and fearful descriptions | 159 | |
128 | with a handful of fanatical bishops for control over a | 161 | |
129 | greater in inspiration than Beethoven’s Ninth | 162 | |
130 | Jeremy Bentham, in one of the lyrical moments which | 164 | |
131 | true, despotic systems in the Russian Empire | 165 | |
132 | unsystematic, inconsistent, and in places regrettably | 166 | |
133 | [to]wards the fortieth year of his life | 167 | |
134 | could be deduced by unassailably valid means. | 169 | |
135 | spirit is produced. Societies are not fortuitous | 170 | |
136 | and men’s wishes, within the limits of the | 171 | |
137 | By temperament Montesquieu is an empiricist who | 172 | |
138 | fact, doing nothing of the kind, because he realises | 174 | |
139 | merely asserts, without much argument, that | 175 | |
140 | language at times dark and confused, were already | 176 | |
141 | by the new science, and had been so brilliantly parodied | 177 | |
142 | designed to satisfy them. How is one to evaluate | 179 | |
143 | another, and that what is needed in one climate | 180 | |
144 | Montesquieu conceived that his own original | 181 | |
145 | [prin]ciple in your head. It is the sponge | 183 | |
146 | cold water on hopes of swift reform; he appeared | 184 | |
147 | lukewarm. Still, even this would have passed, if | 185 | |
148 | less indignant. For if this view was true it followed | 186 | |
149 | and this represents Montesqeuieu’s view as against | 187 | |
150 | to the form of life of his people in one way, he | 189 | |
151 | them in some symmetrical pattern whether | 190 | |
152 | their natural faculties, great conquerors | 191 | |
153 | has puzzled and irritated modern commentators. ‘La | 192 | |
154 | a particular portion of the earth’s surface | 194 | |
155 | equally celebrated view which maintains that | 195 | |
156 | survivals and relics of feudal institutions, of the | 196 | |
157 | had used this word, and at other times (empirical) | 198 | |
158 | tenderness for institutions different from those | 199 | |
159 | Montesquieu was not a relativist about truth. In | 200 | |
160 | least compatible with one another; and that it was | 201 | |
161 | be computed by simple and tidy systems: timeless | 203 | |
162 | The subject which I intend to deal is central neither | 204 | |
163 | to universal and immutable laws. These laws were | 205 | |
164 | for the vices, follies and miseries of mankind. | 206 | |
165 | the western world. It was certainly not unconnected | 207 | |
166 | 1730 in Königsberg, he received, like his older | 208 | |
167 | insight of the poet, the lover, the man of simple | 210 | |
168 | themselves and reality. The task of the philosopher | 211 | |
169 | Reality is an unanalysable, dynamic, changing | 212 | |
170 | Hamann attempted no less than a total reversal | 213 | |
171 | from this ecstatic view of life, who was repelled | 215 | |
172 | Hamann, played a part in his return to fervent | 216 | |
173 | of the Critique of Pure Reason, in a famous | 217 | |
174 | is to generate various degrees of probability. It is | 218 | |
175 | direct Glaube, with an inner life concerned | 220 | |
176 | this is intended as a compliment – a ‘Prussian Hume’. | 221 | |
177 | the epistemology of Reid and the and the Scottish school. | 222 | |
178 | those who have claimed to have observed miracles | 223 | |
179 | but – such is God’s grace – he thereby added to the | 225 | |
180 | the use of reason, we always suppose an external universe | 226 | |
181 | barriers to the comprehension of the of the miraculous | 227 | |
182 | [philo]sophical dialogue which forms its main | 228 | |
183 | ein Gefühl – a sense of reality; and it guarantees the | 230 | |
184 | members. Let me quote Richard Wollheim’s succinct | 231 | |
185 | of logical, mathematical or metaphysical constructions | 232 | |
186 | nearest approximation to unattainable | 233 | |
187 | one supreme service: to clear the ground for | 235 | |
188 | Alexander Herzen, like Diderot, was an | 236 | |
189 | had little sympathy with Herzen’s opinions, and | 237 | |
190 | It is strange that this remarkable writer, in his | 238 | |
191 | and eagerly. His father loved him after his fashion | 239 | |
192 | more easily than Russian) and German (which he | 241 | |
193 | and helped to expose the corrupt and brutal governor | 242 | |
194 | serfdom and lack of individual freedom at all | 243 | |
195 | and that of his mother were declared confiscated. | 244 | |
196 | idealism – a vision of a socially, intellectually and | 246 | |
197 | prospect, to those who, like him, have tasted the | 247 | |
198 | noted every communication that occurred between | 248 | |
199 | needs of Herzen’s nature. Consequently, even during | 250 | |
200 | entire world, leaving no room for hope. Insensibly | 251 | |
201 | He omitted also the story of his affairs with Medvedeva | 252 | |
202 | leader of the mounting opposition to the Tsar. | 253 | |
203 | France, his attitude towards her was more | 254 | |
204 | Although he was half German himself, or perhaps | 256 | |
205 | Parliament, including minor ministers. In | 257 | |
206 | non-industrial, semi-anarchist socialism. Only | 258 | |
207 | the new order, but new men brought up in liberty. | 259 | |
208 | and condemned its opponents in Russia – | 260 | |
209 | and cruel, in order to break the power of | 262 | |
210 | the argument that the generation of the 40s | 263 | |
211 | [sup]pression robbed him of sympathy even among | 264 | |
212 | believed. He had obtained this knowledge | 265 | |
213 | Moses Hess was both a communist and a Zionist. | 267 | |
214 | [be]longed to that generation of German Jews | 268 | |
215 | [reluc]tantly allowed by his father to go | 269 | |
216 | enterprises to five-year plans and the | 270 | |
217 | though, in the author’s view, with too | 272 | |
218 | Spengler, and to some degree, Marx and the | 273 | |
219 | Life of Jesus, or Feuerbach and the brothers | 274 | |
220 | Marx, who utterly despised him, could discover | 275 | |
221 | self-assertive egoism (of individuals or classes | 277 | |
222 | was objectively good. Hegelian historicism had | 278 | |
223 | and oppression as being mysteriously transformed | 279 | |
224 | three civilised powers in Europe: Germany | 281 | |
225 | going through the torments of an ambivalent | 282 | |
226 | was to disperse and assimilate – they had | 283 | |
227 | There was no room in the universal society | 285 | |
228 | He is the greatest, perhaps the only true | 286 | |
229 | to destroy, a given view, institution, regime | 287 | |
230 | The revolution of 1848 broke out while he was | 289 | |
231 | into separate races or nations. He did not bother | 290 | |
232 | of his cosmopolitan socialist friends | 291 | |
233 | anomaly. It may well be that the progress of | 293 | |
234 | group, but a separate nation, a special race, and | 294 | |
235 | patriots who fight for Italian freedom, so | 295 | |
236 | said that he regretted that he was not called | 297 | |
237 | nothing and the conservatism of the orthodox | 298 | |
238 | soil – which is patently impossible – | 299 | |
239 | [recog]nises no castes or classes, and assumes | 300 | |
240 | even the arts of commerce. ‘It is better | 302 | |
241 | triple alliance that would at once save an ancient | 303 | |
242 | impact is still exceedingly fresh and direct; it | 304 | |
243 | of his later works, is a pure-hearted devotion | 306 | |
244 | industry, agriculture and trade must follow | 307 | |
245 | He poured vinegar in their wounds with the bitter | 308 | |
246 | only by pious Jews or Christian visionaries, but | 309 | |
247 | She declared it to be his life’s work, but | 311 | |
248 | merely humanity at large, that is to say | 312 | |
249 | and most eloquent proponents. This alone seems | 313 | |
250 | attitude may be adopted towards it, could not have | 314 | |
251 | wrote or said, rests on the assumption | 316 | |
252 | All Jews who are at all conscious | 317 | |
253 | Lewis Namier once told me that upon being | 318 | |
254 | dramatic and of least interest to those like | 319 | |
255 | [fami]liar differences, which divide classes | 320 | |
256 | society, something of which he was not | 322 | |
257 | loyalty, of their genius, of their eligibility | 323 | |
258 | Jews, Moses Mendelssohn, had wished them | 324 | |
259 | chauvinism, was born and bred, or Lorraine, in | 325 | |
260 | occasion – an occasion which was to lead to | 327 | |
261 | and soldiers and men of action. And yet there | 328 | |
262 | probably something of an eighteenth-century deist | 329 | |
263 | Profoundly as Marx and Disraeli differed | 330 | |
264 | the political novel, a brilliant talker and diner-out | 332 | |
265 | Utilitarianism, sober observation, experiment | 333 | |
266 | unprecedented trials and guarded them through | 334 | |
267 | he had convinced himself: his ideas, his political | 335 | |
268 | from time to time been represented as being by | 337 | |
269 | me, and beheld a race different from myself. There | 338 | |
270 | the Arabs as merely ‘Jews upon horseback’. Sidonia | 339 | |
271 | whom he could worthily identify himself. This | 340 | |
272 | for the hollow qualities of public life. Like | 342 | |
273 | How limited is human reason [he makes | 343 | |
274 | or opinions: by way of preface to a lengthy | 344 | |
275 | negro and coloured populations’ they would | 345 | |
276 | I shall not dwell at length on Disraeli’s | 347 | |
277 | This is all. He comments casually and not | 348 | |
278 | referred to as Itzig, or Baron Itzig. (There | 349 | |
279 | Extreme German chauvinism had taken pathologically | 351 | |
280 | exposed the Jews to new modes of thought and, as | 352 | |
281 | from his own oppressive garments and entered and | 353 | |
282 | compromise between the classes can be reached | 355 | |
283 | in theory, allow the possibility of persuasion and | 356 | |
284 | make a fetish of them. It is another fiercely | 357 | |
285 | abnormal position of the children and grandchildren | 359 | |
286 | correction, modification, still less to radical | 360 | |
287 | My topic is Verdi’s ‘naïveté’. I hope | 361 | |
288 | own feelings. They are at peace with | 362 | |
289 | [neo]classical poets of the Renaissance | 363 | |
290 | to use it for no ulterior purpose | 364 | |
291 | political views to understand his | 366 | |
292 | an age given over to the Sentimentalisches | 367 | |
293 | the first order), believed in musical realism | 368 | |
294 | inevitable, perhaps, and equally exaggerated and | 369 | |
295 | found in the writings of, say, Boito or | 371 | |
296 | Sorel remains an anomalous figure. The | 373 | |
297 | In his letters he refers to her as his wife | 374 | |
298 | remained episodic, unorganised, unfinished | 375 | |
299 | analysis. All other views of what men are, or | 376 | |
300 | end of human life: the attempt to make something | 378 | |
301 | The western tradition of social thought has | 379 | |
302 | of generalisation. This, of course, was a stupendous | 380 | |
303 | the chaos of reality; scientific (and political | 381 | |
304 | human beings not obsessed by fear and greed | 383 | |
305 | perhaps all nature, is the changing and | 384 | |
306 | sense of grandeur. They admired courage, strength | 385 | |
307 | But after decay there is always hope of a | 387 | |
308 | Le Play had insisted – by martyrdom in a common | 388 | |
309 | Greek civilisation for Sorel is symbolised | 389 | |
310 | weakness: he is too historicist, too determinist, too | 390 | |
311 | and applications may alter, as being independent | 392 | |
312 | ‘Whoever composes a programme for the future | 393 | |
313 | [in]volving both managers and workers | 394 | |
314 | ‘The goal is nothing: the movement is everything.’ | 395 | |
315 | he declares, ‘who would like to see the | 397 | |
316 | home, no hearth of their own, ‘no ancestral | 398 | |
317 | century earlier, that reason was a feeble | 399 | |
318 | lost; and this in its turn leads to lawlessness | 401 | |
319 | Sorel, a myth of this kind – in its light | 402 | |
320 | in the French syndicats who have found | 403 | |
321 | careerists and social planners, right-wing and | 405 | |
322 | regeneration. It may be possible to secure | 406 | |
323 | imposes chains, violence breaks them. Force, open | 407 | |
324 | nature with which political theorists from Hobbes to | 408 | |
325 | and unscrupulous demagoguery. But after the | 410 | |
326 | Maurras, even Hervé, all rallied to the defence | 411 | |
327 | anti-intellectualism, the appeal to the power | 412 | |
328 | extent, won. The technocratic, post-industrial society | 413 | |
329 | (who was in his youth affected by Sorel’s views), would | 415 | |
330 | create, of realising these ends by the | 416 | |
331 | any rate, the dangers of which he spoke were, and | 417 | |
332 | frictionless contentment in a harmonious social | 419 | |
333 | The history of ideas is a rich, but by its very | 420 | |
334 | The nineteenth century, as we all know, witnessed | 421 | |
335 | of applying mathematical, and in particular statistical | 422 | |
336 | deny that Karl Marx, whatever his errors, displayed | 423 | |
337 | barbarians, who dominated the imagination of | 425 | |
338 | political development of which the growth | 426 | |
339 | consciousness held down and forcibly repressed | 427 | |
340 | like local and ethnic characteristics, be unimportant | 429 | |
341 | in-arm with it, or at any rate not in opposition | 430 | |
342 | development, which those most sensitive to | 431 | |
343 | good or right, and I shall achieve fulfilment | 432 | |
344 | life of a particular society – a universal standard | 434 | |
345 | beings in whom the true ends of men as such | 435 | |
346 | It may be true that nationalism, as distinct from | 436 | |
347 | beginnings of a national culture, the soil for the | 438 | |
348 | incarnated in the creations of the collective genius of | 439 | |
349 | [humilia]tions inflicted upon their grandfathers by | 440 | |
350 | not lacked in social and economic upheavals. Where | 441 | |
351 | Among the assumptions of rational thinkers of the | 443 | |
352 | rested. The socialists believed that class solidarity, the | 444 | |
353 | [exacerba]tion), displayed insufficient grasp of social | 445 | |
354 | political thinkers of those times speak of the | 447 | |
355 | element, even after the Allied Intervention – indeed | 448 |