Concordance to The Crooked Timber of Humanity
All impressions of the first edition (1990/1991) use the same typesetting, and therefore the same pagination. The second edition (2013) was completely reset. This concordance facilitates the conversion of page references to the first edition into page references to the second. The text of the second edition, which has been revised throughout, and added to, should be used in all new and revised translations. The concordance does not include the 2013 foreword or appendix.
First edition | First line (first edition) | Second edition |
1 | There are, in my view, two factors | 1 |
2 | such ends of life are based. These beliefs | 2 |
3 | social thinkers, of the mid-nineteenth century | 3 |
4 | solutions to the central problems existed | 4 |
5 | impressed by the vast new realms | 5 |
6 | discovery of these truths; in the third | 6 |
7 | reason would triumph; universal harmonious | 7 |
8 | how to seize opportunities and use | 8 |
9 | itself and of its relations to its own | 9 |
10 | Machiavelli conveyed the idea of | 10 |
11 | ‘I prefer coffee, you prefer champagne. | 11 |
12 | know what they mean. If they are human, they | 12 |
13 | for the liberty of others, to allow justice | 13 |
14 | accepted as unbreakable law; or | 14 |
15 | This seems to me a piece of metaphysical | 15 |
16 | the motive, the millions slaughtered | 16 |
17 | If the old perennial belief in the | 17 |
18 | maintain a precarious equilibrium | 18 |
19 | in a moment of illumination, ‘Out of | 19 |
20 | The idea of a perfect society is a very old | 20 |
21 | is, Utopia cannot be Utopia, for then | 22 |
22 | What is common to all these worlds | 23 |
23 | inspiring anti-Roman revolts | 24 |
24 | notion of the broken unity and its | 25 |
25 | with one another. At best, these truths | 26 |
26 | Let me continue with this argument | 27 |
27 | the nature which surrounds him | 28 |
28 | by Socrates, developed by Plato | 29 |
29 | faculties and powers. Crime, vice, | 30 |
30 | better to dominate them and exploit | 31 |
31 | drink, shelter and security; all men want | 32 |
32 | possibility that the Christian and the | 33 |
33 | obey Rome. Why should Franks, Teutons | 34 |
34 | plants and minerals, in zoology, botany, chemistry | 35 |
35 | that which is irrational in man. | 36 |
36 | height which it reached in the quattrocento | 37 |
37 | dross – the perishable goods of | 38 |
38 | is an enormous fallacy. Homer is not | 39 |
39 | own, whose behaviour, reactions | 40 |
40 | man’s or a people’s nature, which depends | 41 |
41 | Weltanschauung. For the young Friedrich | 43 |
42 | Not so those who are influenced by the | 44 |
43 | those of modern Frenchmen, then a | 45 |
44 | as it has remained to this day. It is clear that | 46 |
45 | pessimism of the bourgeoisie made uneasy | 47 |
46 | organisation of human life. But enough progress | 48 |
47 | thing’; good government versus self-government | 49 |
48 | it might yet prevent mutual destruction | 50 |
49 | The study of their own past has long been | 51 |
50 | sinful or foolish, but real and unalterable | 52 |
51 | consequences of their activities, what | 53 |
52 | the peaks, not the valleys, of the | 54 |
53 | another on the banks of the Oxus | 55 |
54 | The very notion of cultures – of | 56 |
55 | studied seriously and sympathetically | 57 |
56 | immutable natural law, whether as | 58 |
57 | not celebrate this as a virtue | 59 |
58 | vision, to set aside which in response | 60 |
59 | generalised types of Livy or Tacitus | 61 |
60 | other visions and values, but never wholly | 62 |
61 | In a sense, the mere existence of an | 63 |
62 | critical methods insufficient – but the | 64 |
63 | and in some ways the most formidable opponent | 65 |
64 | to us, and in our words, not theirs; | 66 |
65 | of expression, their values, outlook | 67 |
66 | quod semper,quod ubique | 68 |
67 | not, for that very reason, possess | 70 |
68 | up with a culture some aspects of which | 71 |
69 | by his own conscious aims as well | 72 |
70 | It is an accepted truth that the central | 73 |
71 | disease, insecurity, poverty, misery, injustice | 73–4 |
72 | universality of ultimate human values, founded | 75 |
73 | centaurs and dragons, miracles and prodigies | 76 |
74 | every kind of civilised man there is Diderot’s | 76–7 |
75 | each stage of the historical cycle of | 77–8 |
76 | a systematically misleading, at worst scarcely | 79 |
77 | relativism of Vico and Herder which | 80 |
78 | appearance or illusion and reality entailed | 81 |
79 | cruel and avaricious élite of ‘heroes’ | 82 |
80 | by different societies at various times, or by | 83 |
81 | [illus]tration of this view. | 84 |
82 | At the heart of the best-known type of modern | 85 |
83 | we shall see that the values of these remote | 86 |
84 | but no progress towards an optimum. But for | 87 |
85 | Relativism is not the only alternative to | 88 |
86 | see other worlds through the eyes of those whom | 89 |
87 | society. Herder is not being inconsistent | 90 |
88 | in his polemic against Voltaire’s disparaging | 91 |
89 | one with the Enlightenment: there is only one truth | 92 |
90 | entirely, a legacy of the schools of thought which | 93 |
91 | The personality and the outlook of Joseph de Maistre | 95 |
92 | to be fitted into the familiar categories | 96 |
93 | and Novalis, of illuminists and Martinists | 97 |
94 | the doctrines and the acts of the French Revolution | 98 |
95 | him) calls him the ‘hangman’s friend’ | 99 |
96 | future issue. This is a point of view | 100 |
97 | The problem uppermost in public consciousness | 101 |
98 | Consequently attempts to analyse this state | 102 |
99 | destinies of men and nations. Conservatives | 103 |
100 | The Constitution of 1795, just like its | 104 |
101 | power, whether by monarchs or popular assemblies | 105 |
102 | relatively trivial differences. The two men | 106 |
103 | Joseph de Maistre was born in 1753 | 107 |
104 | his life long ecumenism – his yearning for | 108 |
105 | not unlike that to be found in conservative | 109 |
106 | and power, and of course an unyielding adversary | 110 |
107 | [re]ligion and ethics, while Hume did not | 111 |
108 | and knowledge of them, if it were spread | 112 |
109 | harmony and eternal peace, the necessity | 113 |
110 | Bourdaloue, in fact did not owe a great deal | 114 |
111 | Marquis de Condorcet? The very opposite; that | 115 |
112 | This is Maistre’s famous, terrible vision | 116 |
113 | founded on the social contract between the quick | 116 |
114 | Yet life is not for Maistre a meaningless slaughter | 117 |
115 | or his society’s ends, to perceive them | 117–8 |
116 | maintenance of the fixed and rigid hierarchy | 119 |
117 | horizontal cross, he raises his arm; there | 120 |
118 | This is not a mere sadistic meditation about | 121 |
119 | masters must do the duty laid upon them | 121 |
120 | such creatures they would have made themselves | 122 |
121 | advances to subject him to the same fate if he can | 123 |
122 | all it is thought to be, mad and destructive. | 124 |
123 | be more irrational than marriage and the family | 125 |
124 | justified only when it derives from that tendency | 126 |
125 | the world of grace and that of nature | 127 |
126 | nation, that is by a political faith | 128 |
127 | reactionaries who immured themselves against | 129 |
128 | Rome, but much the best that can be achieved | 130 |
129 | Revolution drew weapons from that great armoury | 131 |
130 | whereby it can be questioned, and omnipotent | 132 |
131 | divine providence, even though they may not | 133 |
132 | or madness that is at work. | 134 |
133 | The eighteenth century is full of paeans | 135 |
134 | plunged into cruel massacres, what are these rights? | 136 |
135 | conservatives and churchmen. More immediately | 137 |
136 | but against usurpers. The Spanish Inquisition | 138 |
137 | Pascal, Maistre decides that he owed nothing | 139 |
138 | benefit of a private individual. If a man has | 140 |
139 | Protestantism had disrupted the unity of mankind | 141 |
140 | Maistre’s, as it is in Tolstoy’s, doctrine | 142 |
141 | Bonald firmly deny. To think is to use symbols | 143 |
142 | enough in the face of the militant lack of historical | 144 |
143 | memories of a people or a church, to reform | 145 |
144 | and the group of advisers with whom Tsar Alexander | 146 |
145 | supposed that society was an artificial | 147 |
146 | which shallow thinkers who ignore both facts | 148 |
147 | again: ‘Every time something is perfected in | 150 |
148 | government.’ He detests it because it is arbitrary | 150 |
149 | (which men like Robespierre are deluded enough | 151 |
150 | said Bonald (quoting Bossuet and echoed by Dostoevsky | 152 |
151 | especially after the Emperor’s liberal phase was | 153 |
152 | it on religious authority – control by priests | 154 |
153 | effect rigorously followed in Russia for half a | 155 |
154 | Again: what an inexplicable delusions, whereby a | 156 |
155 | which might be conceived by ignorant or | 157 |
156 | which would lead to the dismemberment of that | 158 |
157 | father, a loyal, delightful and sensitive friend | 159 |
158 | friends have left to the sweetness of his character | 160 |
159 | more darkness. Voltaire hated the Roman Church so | 161 |
160 | shock treatment, has entered into modern political | 162 |
161 | An eminent philosopher once remarked that, in | 163 |
162 | pattern in which what had earlier seemed to be a casual | 164 |
163 | possessed by men before the Flood, of which | 165 |
164 | by it. What then of written constitutions? | 166 |
165 | And whence do prelates, nobles, great officers of | 167 |
166 | proposition that whatever is written is a feeble | 168 |
167 | social scientists, the bold political and economic | 169 |
168 | sharp, by no means useless, antidote to their | 170 |
169 | among the first to use the term ‘société | 171 |
170 | said, ‘… it is like an orang-utan among the apes’ | 172 |
171 | is by that token the instrument chosen by providence | 173 |
172 | do, by deduction from such general notions as the | 174 |
173 | mystery which alone resisted sceptical enquiry | 175 |
174 | sinful, helpless human beings, torn by contradictory | 176 |
175 | It is by now a melancholy commonplace that no century | 186 |
176 | assumed, was equally visible to all rational minds | 187 |
177 | outside it; so that if there is a conflict between my | 188 |
178 | but ‘scientific’ analysis will always reveal | 189 |
179 | try to save their reactionary brothers from defeat | 190 |
180 | men to look on many millions of their fellow men | 191 |
181 | world is but a fragment, and in my framework | 192 |
182 | interpreters of God – churches and priests | 193 |
183 | common to all men – that the needs were all | 194 |
184 | opponents believed that every man could in | 195 |
185 | neuroses, forms of personal or socialmalaise | 196 |
186 | heart and mind and soul had not been perverted could | 197 |
187 | nothing that can be called ‘my’ as against | 198 |
188 | concepts of biological drives and goals and those of | 199 |
189 | expert, the sage – in virtue of which indeed he was | 200 |
190 | knows to be his mission, of what the inner voices tell | 201 |
191 | sovereign will on dead matter, afterwards so | 202 |
192 | enters into life as part of its essence, not as something | 203 |
193 | acquired in the early nineteenth century an absolute | 204 |
194 | Napoleon, whose art is the making of states and peoples | 205 |
195 | other tribes, to this man and this civilisation but | 206 |
196 | walls and hedges against the chaos caused by absence | 207 |
197 | classical tradition, and had entered deeply into | 208 |
198 | private feelings, the composition of one’s own blood | 209 |
199 | ‘liquidation’, and Trotsky, in an equally | 210 |
200 | Too many men were prepared to defend their principles | 211 |
201 | sometimes even denied that there is a source to seek | 212 |
202 | equality, we may sacrifice some degree of | 213 |
203 | we accept them? May it not be true, as some | 214 |
204 | little finger, or someone who genuinely sees no harm in | 215 |
205 | do not recognise them, they must be lying or deceiving | 216 |
206 | evidence, whether they pretend otherwise or not | 217–8 |
207 | The history of ideas is a comparatively new field | 219 |
208 | realism; or tolerance, even though these virtues | 220 |
209 | which seems to me to have become articulate in | 221 |
210 | prophets and seers, the doctrine and tradition of | 222 |
211 | from it, or some other breach in the original harmony | 223 |
212 | rest on the three pillars of social optimism in the west | 224 |
213 | Communist Manifesto to modern technocrats | 225 |
214 | other, emotion has never been absent from human | 226 |
215 | the end of the eighteenth century and the beginning | 227 |
216 | purchased only at the price of putting chains on the free | 228 |
217 | determinism that reigns in nature – on which | 229 |
218 | follow only through some mistaken conception of what | 230 |
219 | sprang from wounded pride. The German reaction at first | 231 |
220 | Leisewitz, Lenz, and even the gentle Carl Philipp Moritz | 232 |
221 | force, social or natural, that is celebrated. Nothing | 234 |
222 | children by him, she is a true tragic heroine | 235 |
223 | Nowhere was Germanamour propre more | 236 |
224 | delicate plants which great conquering empires | 237 |
225 | universally right in Kant, but something which | 238 |
226 | that I am what I am, aware of my aims, my nature | 239 |
227 | must identify my own finite desires if I am to | 240 |
228 | before I have painted it? Where indeed? | 241 |
229 | Manfred, Beppo, Conrad, Lara, Cain – who | 242 |
230 | again, ‘God brooded over the void and a world | 244 |
231 | genius but by his heroic readiness to live and die | 245 |
232 | sociological – no less than that of common sense | 246 |
233 | living is discovered to be the dead; the organic | 247 |
234 | Dostoevsky’s underground man, and Kafka’s | 248 |
235 | Marx to integrate the tensions, paradoxes and | 249 |
236 | bold, universal, once-and-for-all panacea. It may | 250 |
237 | as individual liberty and social equality, spontaneous | 251 |
238 | The rich development of historical studies in the | 253 |
239 | future. Prophecy, which had hitherto been the | 253 |
240 | from Condorcet’s dreams. So, too, Condorcet’s | 255 |
241 | [admin]istration of things’: this Saint-Simonian | 256 |
242 | pessimists begin. The poet Heine warned the French | 257 |
243 | return to a pre-capitalist and pre-industrial | 258 |
244 | emergence as a coherent doctrine may perhaps | 259 |
245 | place, as the Frenchlumières taught, but | 260 |
246 | Countries. German towns and principalities, both | 261 |
247 | romantics, and, after them, of the Russian Slavophils | 262 |
248 | derive from them is certainly unjust. Even the | 263 |
249 | As for Marx and Engels, for them, I need hardly | 264 |
250 | Revolution, it is fair to say, was genuinely | 265 |
251 | [ob]structed the advance of the enlightenment | 267 |
252 | this may indeed account for the reaction of wounded | 268 |
253 | seem, to say the least, to weaken the orthodox Marxist | 269 |
254 | In the face of this, faith in countervailing forces | 270 |
255 | the validity of the laws and customs and ancient ways | 271 |
256 | issues of the future could be decided on the basis of | 272 |
257 | human beings as specifically human, that is, as | 273 |
258 | powers, to insult them into awareness of the totalitarian | 274 |
259 | is the very triumph of scientific rationalism everywhere | 275 |
260 | ‘interested error’ of the ruling class which | 276 |
261 | [resist]ance. There is something of the same | 277 |